The Precautionary Principle: risk, regulation and politics
Merton College, Oxford, 5-11 April 2002

Introductory Paper
by Dr Ragnar Lofstedt
written March 2002


1. Introduction
The precautionary principle has emerged as one of the main regulatory tools of European Union environmental and health policy with important ramifications for member state policies. In addition, over the past 15 years, the precautionary principle has increased in popularity beyond European shores, underpinning a series of international agreements such as the Convention on Bio-diversity. Indeed, there have been no fewer than 14 multilateral agreements citing the precautionary principle, ranging from the 1992 UN Framework on Climate Change, to the 1994 Oslo Protocol on sulphur emissions, and the 1996 Syracuse Amendment Protocol for the Protection of the Mediterranean Sea against Pollution from Land-Based Sources (Sand 2000). This is not to say that the precautionary principle has been welcomed by all governments' regulators. Indeed, it would be fair to say that the use of the precautionary principle for regulatory purposes is highly controversial. The controversy now mostly relates specifically to European policy, on which this paper focuses, but its ramifications are of world-wide significance, as we shall see at the conference.

The precautionary principle was arguably developed and originally implemented in Germany and Sweden, and it is these nations that remain the leading proponents of it. For example, it was one of these nations (Germany) that put the precautionary principle on the international stage, and today with regard to environmental regulation (in particular chemicals) it is Sweden that is pushing forward precautionary legislation in the European Union. There is a conflict between those who support the principle and those who oppose it. For example, American policy-makers have become increasingly concerned with the use of the concept by the EU, seeing it as a threat to scientific risk analysis as the main tool for regulation used hitherto. Academics in the United States point out that the US had precautionary elements in their regulations during the 1970s; but these elements turned out to be excessively costly and faulty, and so were abandoned following a Supreme Court judgment in 1980 (in an infamous case concerning benzene) which insisted that regulation must depend on scientific proof of risk. The whole discussion about when the precautionary principle should, and should not, be used has become so polarized that the EU felt it necessary to come forward with a so-called 'Communication' discussing this very issue and later a statement on it at the December 2000 Nice Summit.

As the precautionary principle grows in usage, the following issues arise which will be addressed in this introductory paper. Firstly, increased attention is being paid to what the precautionary principle actually means, as lawyers in particular find the concept ill-defined. Secondly, there is great concern about how invoking the precautionary principle causes conflict with science based risk analysis. Thirdly, there are the international implications of invoking the precautionary principle with regard to trade issues.

2. What is the precautionary principle?
a. Definitions
There is no one definition of the precautionary principle. One Swedish author, Per Sandin, lists 19 formulations, often individually vague and mutually contradictory.[1] The most commonly used definition is contained in the 1992 Rio Declaration:

In order to protect the environment, the precautionary approach shall be widely applied by States according to their capabilities. Where there are threats of serious or irreversible damage, lack of full scientific certainty shall not be used as a reason for postponing cost-effective measures to prevent environmental degradation.

Another popular definition derives from an environmental meeting held in the United States in 1998 in Wingspread, Wisconsin. It states:

When an activity raises threats to the environment or human health, precautionary measures should be taken, even if some cause-and-effect relationships are not fully established scientifically. In this context, the proponent of an activity, rather than the public, should bear the burden of proof (of the safety of the activity).

One of the more rigorous analyses of the meanings of the precautionary principle have been put forward in work by Wiener and Rogers. They argue that there are three different formulations of the precautionary principle. These are:[2] (quoted in pages 4-5 in Wiener and Rogers, forthcoming)

Version 1: Uncertainty does not justify inaction. In its most basic form, the precautionary principle is a principle that permits regulation in the absence of complete evidence about the particular risk scenario. [Lack of full scientific certainty shall not be used as a reason for postponing measures to prevent environmental degradation-Bergen Declaration].

Version 2: Uncertainty justifies action. This version of the precautionary approach is more aggressive.

Version 3: Uncertainty requires shifting the burden and standard of proof. This version of the precautionary principle is the most aggressive. It holds that uncertain risk requires forbidding the potentially risky activity until the proponent of the activity demonstrates that it poses no (or acceptable) risk.

In the establishment of precautionary principles in Europe, Germany adopted version 1 while Sweden adopted version 3. When the precautionary principle was first discussed in international circles, version 1 was used under pressure from Germany, for example, with regard to protection of the North Sea:

Accepting that, in order to protect the North Sea from possible damaging effects of the most dangerous substances, a precautionary approach is necessary which may require action to control inputs of such substances even before a causal link has been established by absolutely clear scientific evidence.[3]

Indeed, when the principle was first introduced on the international stage, European officials saw little problem with implementing Version 1 of the precautionary principle, arguing that: 'Anticipatory standardization (is) essential for the development of new technologies [that] have infrastructure characteristics, so that companies will not invest against each other until one or more backs down.[4]

In sum, this early EU version of the precautionary principle, based on the German formulation, was considerably less risk averse than the Swedish one. However, as time went on the debate in the EU changed.

b. The precautionary principle today
As the precautionary principle has been increasingly used, its public profile has become more and more controversial. Many European industries view the precautionary principle decreasingly as an acceptable risk management approach, and increasingly as a tool for the more radical environment and health advocates. These industries' disenchantment is intensified both by less control over interpretation of 'precaution' by regulatory bodies, and by seeing the precautionary principle become a feature of arguments employed by those with very different world views. In these latter arguments precaution is seen as a way to manage globalization and the so called 'risk society', where risks extend over time and national boundaries, without any right to compensation for many of those affected by them.

The drivers of these changes include:

  • Greater access to information, eg through the Internet, which can compete with established authority, allowing citizens unprecedented knowledge about government, industry, and research. As a result, risk management errors and scientific controversies are more visible at stages in the development of technologies when uncertainty is high.
  • Regulators and industry have been at fault in connection with major health and environmental problems, leaving many stakeholders sceptical of regulators' motives and analytical procedures.
  • As faith in professional risk managers has declined, the public has increasingly turned to NGOs, independent scientists, and the media for guidance. In Europe, Greenpeace has proven particularly effective, often invoking the precautionary principle.

Because of these developments, there is an increasing trend in the EU towards adopting a more far-reaching form of the precautionary principle, although it does vary from directorate to directorate and area to area within the European Commission itself, which further complicates matters. For example Article 7 of the new European Food Directive, published 22 February 2002, is still rather like version 1 of the principle when it states: '[In cases where the possibility of harmful effects on health have been identified] but scientific uncertainty persists, risk management measures...may be adopted, pending further scientific information for a more comprehensive risk assessment.'

However, if we look at the recent EU Chemical White paper (13 February 2001), it is more far-reaching:

Responsibility to generate knowledge about chemicals should be placed on industry. Industry should also ensure that only chemicals that are safe for the intended purposes are produced. The Commission proposes to shift responsibility to enterprises for generating and assessing data and assessing the risks of the use of the substances. The enterprises should also provide adequate information to downstream users.[5]

In other words in this document, the Commission is arguing for a completely reversed burden of proof (Version 3). Policy-makers, members of the Commission's Environment Directorate, environmental groups and some academics argue that the future of regulation in the EU will increasingly be toward version 3 of the precautionary principle.

3. Why is the precautionary principle so controversial?
The debate is shrouded in discussions of promoting sustainable development and coming to terms with increased scientific uncertainty, but I see it as a paradigm shift in regulation. If we look at the most far-reaching definition of the principle - the version that environmentalists, Swedish regulators and Green MEPs are pushing through the EU at present, which at times is also supported by Conservative MEPs as well as some trade bodies - it represents a fundamental change of direction away from past regulatory trends. Historically, in several industrialized countries (in particular the United States) the regulators had to use science to prove that something was unsafe before industry took it off the market. All industry had to do was inform the regulator that they had produced a certain substance, describe to the regulator what the substance was, and if the regulator did not have an immediate concern, industry would place it on the market.

Arguably, industry would have made sure that the substance was safe to both humans and environment, as it too did not want to put its customers at risk. Regulators, on the other hand, using scientific methods such as ecological toxicology (invoking mega-mouse experiments to see what the dose-response rate was), had to prove that the substance was unsafe. As such procedures were rather costly, regulators were never able to test every single substance (indeed over 90 per cent of all chemicals have not been tested by regulators), and hence have been relying on industry to ensure that they are safe. They also rely on the fact that, if it is not safe, industry will then be sued by unhappy customers. If the regulators did find something wrong with a certain substance, industry could challenge the regulator's findings in court. Indeed, William Ruckelshaus (then Chief Administrator of the US Environmental Protection Agency), argued that 80 per cent of its rulings against industry through the 1980's were challenged in court (although this figure has been questioned by some academics). In such an adversarial environment, there would be one set of government scientists on one side of the argument, with another set of industry scientists battling it out to prove to a US based judge/jury that their opponents were wrong. In some cases, industry actually used scientific arguments as a way to delay the passing of a regulation (known as paralysis by analysis); in others cases science was actually misused to support an argument, such as tobacco companies trying to prove that smoking is not addictive (leading to the use of labels such as 'tobacco science').

The precautionary principle is seen by some academics as a natural backlash against the approach to scientific risk analysis employed in the United States. They see it as costly and ineffective, leading to public distrust of authorities and scientists as a whole. They argue that invoking the precautionary principle shifts the locus of control from industry to regulators. Environmentalists and some academics, who support the principle, question the very notion of why regulators should need to prove something is safe. Why should industry not do this as industry created the substance in the first place? The companies know more about the substances than the regulators will ever do. In addition, the regulatory costs are then borne by industry and not regulators, which means that government regulatory costs can be reduced (one of the main reasons why the Swedes adopted version 3 of the precautionary principle). With the burden of proof reversed, industry is no longer in control, the regulators are. Basing their decisions not just on the science involved but also ethical and social concerns, the regulators can accept or reject the arguments from proof made by industry.

Of course, if we implement the reversed burden of proof, the following questions arise:

  • When is something safe? How safe is safe? Industry's definition of safe may be very different from what the regulators see as being safe. Who decides this? On what criteria are safety decisions made?
  • Do we operate in a free market society or in a nanny state?
  • Related to the above, what is uncertainty? Who defines uncertainty?

These questions will inevitably pose difficulties. For example, the regulators may be highly biased and put forward impossible environmental and public health criteria which industry will never be able to meet. Decisions may be made without consulting scientists, leading to what industry calls regulatory irrationality and emotionalism. The biggest issue relates to reduction in the capacity of industry to innovate and create. Industry needs predictability, it needs an understanding of what the regulatory environment is, and will be, in order to make properly well thought-out business decisions. If industry is not aware of what the regulatory boundaries are, it will be increasingly unwilling to take risks in developing a product that may then be rejected by the regulator, maybe owing to excessive emotionalism. Indeed, there is already an element of this in Sweden: some chemical industries are abandoning the Swedish market completely as they see the regulatory system being excessively costly with little benefit. For example, a pesticide producer may argue that the country only has 9 million inhabitants, and because of the cold and short growing seasons not that many pesticides are used anyway.

In contrast, proponents of the principle feel that by implementing it, industry will actually be forced to be more creative - that is, have to produce more environmentally friendly products - and point out that in nations where it has already been used, such as Germany and Sweden, industries are still able to make sound business decisions. In addition, most precautionary regulatory measures are based on some form of scientific risk assessment. For example, the Swedish Chemical Inspectorate's decision to not renew the licensing of anti-fouling paint products for pleasure boat owners operating in the Baltic Sea was based on a scientific study.[6]

The conundrum which we then face is what form of regulatory tool should be used and who should be responsible for its final implementation? As discussed earlier, a risk-based approach to regulation has on occasion been misused by industry, while a precautionary approach may be misused by environmentalists and other like minded individuals. The 'middle way' to avoid this problem was formulated in the EU's Communication on the precautionary principle - that is, risk assessment should be part of the principle - but there is as yet little evidence that this may actually work, or in fact has been attempted.

4. The precautionary principle and international trade
One of the biggest areas of disagreement between the EU and the US revolves around trade. With regard to health and safety standards, the European Commission interprets the Sanitary and Phytosanitary Standards (SPS) Agreement in the light of the precautionary principle. That is to say, it reaches the conclusion that the EU is in effect able to pick and implement the level of safety that it feels to be necessary, no matter what other nations may say, without necessarily basing it on sound scientific argument or risk analysis. This is something that the eminent political scientist, Giandomenico Majone, refers to as an 'isolationist stance.'[7] Indeed, over the past ten years the EU has increasingly used the precautionary principle to support various bans, ranging from hormones in beef and milk to aflatoxins in ground nuts, leading to accusations of protectionism from the US and other trade blocs. For example, in 1985 what was then the European Community banned all five growth hormones based on consumer protection. At the time, the EC Agriculture Commissioner Frans Andriessen, argued: 'Scientific advice is important, but it is not decisive. In public opinion, this is a very delicate issue that has to be dealt with in political terms.' The US opposed the ban arguing that there was no scientific basis and hence it constituted an unwarranted obstacle to trade. The dispute eventually led the US to impose retaliatory tariffs on EU agricultural exports to the US. Finally, the US took the EU to the WTO dispute panel, which concluded in 1997 that the European ban was illegal.

Similar types of findings can be found in the other trade related disputes, eg over hormones in milk, in which a natural hormone Bovine Somatotropin, is injected into cows to increase milk yields - the EU originally banned it on social grounds, stating that there was no social or economic need for the product in Europe. In addition, with regard to the passing of very strict standards for aflatoxins in the name of the precautionary principle in the late 1990s, World Bank economists took the view that this would lead to a 64 percent reduction in the export of African crops to the EU, with a monetary worth of $700 million a year, in order to reduce deaths from liver cancer by possibly 1.4 deaths per billion a year.

Academics, US trade representatives and a wide range of stakeholders and policy-makers have asked whether these decisions were rightly based on the precautionary principle, or whether it was just a cover for trade protectionism. With regard to the three cases mentioned above, there was little scientific evidence for justifying the ban.[8] That is to say there was no proof (at least to date) that the products would cause undue harm to public health or the environment.

Hence, based on these findings some policy-makers and academics concluded that the EU is, in many circumstances, implementing the precautionary principle for the purpose of trade protectionism.

This may be a bit too simplistic. The EU has had a series of food scandals over the past 10 years or so, ranging from salmonella in British eggs, to dioxin in Belgian chicken feed, mad cow disease, and foot and mouth disease, making both consumers as well as regulators risk averse. However, this does not justify making a regulation on the basis of the precautionary principle, when in actual fact it is being made on the basis of public and regulator fear. It may have been better to have accepted these hormones and other substances on condition that they could be labelled once imported into Europe. (Indeed, US milk producers, who have decided not to use the Bovine Somatotropin hormone, are able to label their milk as hormone free, on condition that they also write on the label that to date this hormone is not known to cause adverse effects on humans). Likewise, other academics and policy-makers point out that it is not only the EU that takes precautionary measures which may have adverse affects on trade agreements. The United States can be accused of this as well. The US does not import unpasteurized cheeses from Europe as the nation's regulators are concerned about bacteria found in them, and, following the 'mad cow' outbreak, it no longer imports live animals from the EU. Wiener and Rogers argue that in actual fact both trade groups have invoked elements of the precautionary principle at some point or another (and continue to do so) for a wide array of social, cultural, environmental and health reasons.

5. So where do we go from here?
Arguably, the use of the precautionary principle will be extended in Europe. This will continue to be opposed by certain sectors of industry and American regulators for the above-mentioned reasons. The real question is how long these trends will continue. Or is this a permanent paradigm shift? The political scientist David Vogel argues that this may just be a trend.[9] That is to say, after 15 years or so, when the Europeans have figured out that invoking the precautionary principle is simply too costly and burdensome for industry, and on top of that hampers innovation, the EU will follow along the lines of the Americans and base their regulations on scientific risk analysis. This perspective is based on a view that the Europeans are always 20 years or so behind the Americans when it comes to the regulatory cycle. Others point out that in actual fact the precautionary principle reduces not only regulatory costs, but also achieves a cleaner environment at less cost for society,[10] and that hence the precautionary principle should be invoked even more often. It remains to be seen if Vogel or the EEA is right. Suffice it to say, that the precautionary principle is with us today, not only in Europe but in many other parts of the world as well, owing to all the multilateral agreements that have been made and will continue to be made into the foreseeable future.

© 21st Century Trust

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Notes

[1] P Sandin, 'Dimensions of the precautionary principle' Human and Ecological Risk Assessment, Vol. 5(1999), n. 5, pp. 889-907.

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[2] JB Wiener and MD Rogers, 'Comparing precaution in the United States and Europe', forthcoming in Journal of Risk Research, pp. 4-5.

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[3] Second International Conference on the Protection of the North Sea, 1987, p. 7.

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[4] Cited in KH Narjes, 'Europe - the technical challenge: a view from the European Commission' Science and Public Policy, vol. 16(1988), n. 6, p. 383-394.

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[5] p. 8.

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[6] RE Lofstedt, 'Risk and regulation: boat owners' perceptions of recent anti-fouling legislation', Risk Management and International Journal, Vol 3(2001), n. 3, p. 33-46.

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[7] G Majone,'The precautionary principle and regulatory impact analysis', draft, 2001, p. 21.

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[8] See D Vogel, Trading Up, (Cambridge, MA, 1995).

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[9] D Vogel, 'The new politics of risk regulation in Europe', forthcoming in British Journal of Political Science, 2001.

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[10] For example, European Environment Agency, Late Lessons from Early Warnings, (Copenhagen, 2001).

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